INTRODUCTION
Northern Nigeria in Perspectives
Varying works have been studied
about migrant communities in the Northern Nigeria. However, issue of migration
and migrant community is considering the complexity of the Nigerian society
giving its multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multi-cultural nature (Walter,
1968), (Ahmad, 2001).The fact is that country’s situation appears to be more
difficult than in recent times when its multi-ethnic threatened the very fabric
its existence as manifested in the series of ethnic related violence, religious
intolerance and growing emphasis on indigenes-settlers dichotomy (Paper, 2004).
Even in the areas where these differences are not amply pronounced, it would be
foolhardily to assume that they are not there. This quite clearly applied to
many migrant communities in Northern Nigeria notwithstanding the array of
cultural similarities and unhindered access to a speedy integration with the
hosts (Egbefo, 2015).
Likewise the advent of colonialism
and its aftermath in northern Nigeria have altered not only the population
composition of most Northern cities but also their historiography. This is
partly due to the advent of colonial activities, western education, and
colonial economy, infrastructures such as rail way, vehicular trunk road and
partly due to an influx of new waves of migrants from the Southern part of the
country. These groups of new migrants came primary to render basic services to
the colonial economy and were dully encouraged by it (Ahmad Bako,
2004). This not only altered the population of most northern Nigerian cities
but equally influenced the writing of their histories in contemporary time.
The Conceptual Issues on Inter-Group
Relations
A group relation is vital issues because it implies cooperation between different
states, communities, organization and society in particular. This
could take the form of trade, diplomatic ties, and management of trade routes,
boundaries, water resources as well as wars (Falola,
1989). The concept of inter-group relation has been examine by social psychologists,
sociologist and historians as “states of friendship or hospitality, cooperation
or competition, dominance or subordination, alliance or enmity, peace or war
between two or more groups and their respective members (Lohor,
1998), (Egbefo, 2015). According to Afigbo (1980), explained that intergroup relations
presupposes contact and interaction group each of which has an identity, to
make some inputs into the
relationship, in short , each of which has some scope and area of autonomous
action. Intergroup relation is regarded as social phenomenon which entails
contact and interactions between groups, and between people or individual in
the society (Afigbo, 1980). The conceptualization of
intergroup relation is also observed by Lohor (1998)
as interactions which take place between members of different groups and
societies who come in contact with one another. An intergroup relation reflects
human actions which are also part of the process of existence channeled towards
economic, political and social development (Egbefo,
2015), (Lohor, 1998).
Issues of intergroup relation have
assumed prominence in the contemporary history of Northern Nigeria state in general. Equally, the
contemporary history of Nigeria ever since independence from colonial shackles,
are replete with a number of challenges, challenging which bordered on the
quest for nation building, mutual co-operation and trust across ethnic divides.
The experience in the last couple of years has been most daunting especially in
spheres of economic, religious and social relations (Paper, 2001), primordial
forces and interests have cropped up
such as to threaten the corporate existence to the national unity and many
agreed that the need to foster national unity and social integration has become
imperative (Nda, 2005). In Northern Nigeria, for
instance, there was 
what refer to as ‘cultural cross fertilization’. In this
case religions and linguistic factors were used by the people to harmonious
relation. The argument here was that intergroup relations were facilitate by
number of elements such as differences in natural endowment relative
economic advantages, diplomatic relations, marriages tied and emigration (Odey, 2005).
The
Metropolis of Sokoto Caliphate and Influx of Migrant
Communities
The metropolitan city of Sokoto was believed to be founded by Muhammadu
Bello in 1809 as a new military base for the Jihad war, although Sokoto was in existence before 1809 but insignificant,
before Bello turned it into the center of planning Jihad wars (Sale, 1983). But
the position of Sokoto as the capital of the
Caliphate facilitated its development as a leading center of Islamic education
in West Africa in the 19 th
century (Adamu, 2004). The city of Sokoto had certainly received the attention of many migrant
communities. This is the fact that Sokoto Caliphate
has been a booster to the economics of Hausa land, a promoter of education and
cleanser of the society. Above all, it has strengthened the position of Islam
as the state religion in the country (Nigeria) and as the dominant culture of
the people (Adamu, 2004). Many studies have showed
that Sokoto as capital of Caliphate witness mass
influx of migration of various ethnic groups that include Wangarawa,
Nupawa, Adarawa, Kambarin-Bare-bari, Igbo, Tiv and Yoruba among other
(Oparanozie, 1988), (Temple, 1965).
By the middle of the 19th
century Sokoto became focus of inter-regional trade
in Agricultural products, live-stock and cotton goods supporting urban rural
networks conveying into city. However, urbanization in the central Sudan was
seen as another social development which had also received a bid boost as a
result of the establishment of Sokoto caliphate.
Urbanization was already on established feature of life in the territory and in
the 19th century there was a tremendous increase in it. Very many
new towns were established and numerous villages were enlarging all to serve as
centers of new emirate and district administration, and also as centres of commerce. Some towns began as frontiers defense
posts of the Sokoto Caliphate and later developed
into administrative centre. Large scale of migration
was part of the outcome of the establishment of the Sokoto
Caliphate. It is on record that in the 19th century people move en
mass in Hausa land either because of military defeats when large cities and big
villages were sacked, or on account of people wishing to be near centres of stable Caliphate administration (Adamu, 2004) (Walter S. , 1965).
What should be noted about these
waves of migration from Hausa land was that they were not cases of forced
migration. In most cases people left on their own because new job opportunities
as Government officers, as teachers, as traders, as craftsmen (particularly
textile and mental workers), as service people, as musician and entertainers,
and as soldier of fortune become opened up as the Caliphate expended West ward
and South ward. While in some instances, other it was stimulated by
considerations, such as the desire to escape from the restricting nature of
traditional African society, yet others it was induced by the policies of the
colonial power (Crowder, 1978). An important statement to be noted about
migrations in connection with the Sokoto Caliphate in
the 19th century was both immigration and emigration out of Hausa
land was served as powerful agents in the spread of the Hausa culture in the
central Sudan. However those who came in and settled in the Hausa towns and
villages quickly began to use Hausa Language and dress and were easily
assimilated into Hausa society (Muh'd, 2004) (Adamu, 2004).
The Host and Settlers Communities
Sustenance of Peace Relations in Sokoto Metropolis
Sokoto People and Igbo Community Relations
History revealed to us that Igbo
migration in Sokoto was occasioned by many factors
i.e. Search for Job and economic
prospect. The opportunity to trade in the North was taken advantage by the Igbo-speaking
people in the early 1920s, more especially the conquest of Sokoto
Caliphate in 1903 and with the completion railway line to the north. Before the
colonial era, Igbo people had been faced with the problem of land Scarcity due
to poor nature of their land which made Agricultural activities very difficult.
With the opening up of the north by the British, many Igbo people took to
long-distance trading, which most of them heading for the north and settling in
places like Kano, Sokoto and Katsina
(Oparanozie, 1988), (Ahmad Bako,
2004), (Isaac, 1999). One remarkable of this relation was commercial
intercourse between the Igbo and the host community of Sokoto
started even before the imposition of colonial economy. The earliest commercial
transactions between the social groups was based on cattle and horse which were
in great needed in Igbo land because of their vital value in rituals rites, and
other ceremonies. Hides and skin production in Sokoto
played significant role in aiding this relation (Fabian, 2005).
The Igbo people were commercially
oriented and were believed to be the reason why they dominated some major areas
in entrepreneurship activities of spare-parts and business centers in
metropolitan city of Sokoto could be envisaged (Fabian, 2005), (Ahmad Bako, 2004). The spare parts
entrepreneurs of Igbo extraction have maintained good social
relations not with the spare parts entrepreneurs from other ethnic groups but
with the host community. The Sahara area was popularly known as the centre of Spare part selling point in Sokoto
metropolis. The key element that binds this relation was the ability of Igbo
people to learn the Hausa language, communicate and transact with it. This no
doubt promotes mutual understanding and group co-operation. Economic attraction
provide the impetus due its network of contact, thereby establishing commercial
centers such as Emir Yahaya road, Bello way, Rijiya, Hajiya Halima estate, Rijiya and Aliyu Jodi among
others where all being dominated by Igbos’ commercial activities which include
the sale of wears, shoes, building materials paints, electrical installation,
business centers, internet café, stationeries store, bookshops and sales of
handset (GSM) accessories and because of the starling qualities of understanding
demonstrate among themselves, the Igbo were able to established their
settlements in places like Sahara area, Emir Yahaya,
Old-Air port, Kwannawa,
Bello way, Tamaje area, Damduwa
area, Abdullahi Fodio road,
Hajiya Halima estate and Nakasare
area as well.
Other issues that strengthened and
promote this peaceful relationship between Sokoto
people and the Igbo settlers’ community was in the field of apprenticeship.
Sources have indicated that some Sokoto indigenes
were trained and graduated by the Igbos entrepreneurs. Among the notable Igbo
who contribute in the future of Sokoto indigenes
through apprenticeship were Ndibisi, Skidoo, Dom-dom, Baban- Naira, Benbross and Emeka Obi among
others (Zizi, 2013).
Sokoto People and Yoruba Community
Relation
Yoruba migrant community in northern
Nigeria is better understood within the historical context of the respective
host communities and indeed the entire history of northern Nigeria as a whole.
It is equally important to examine the interaction of resources and
opportunities in order to understand the dynamics of Yoruba commerce in
northern Nigeria. There are four factors which facilitate Yoruba migration in
northern Nigeria: First, according to Islamic tradition, the Yoruba were
regarded as brothers and sisters of the Hausa people because the majority of
Yoruba migrants were Muslims. These suggest why some Yoruba have been
assimilated into Hausa culture or enjoy accommodation. Second, economically,
they were hard working in terms of their technical skills, productivity and
quality of work delivery. Third, the Yoruba shared myth of origin with the
Kanuri. Oral tradition in Borno has it that the
“Yoruba and Kanuri were cousins. In normal circumstances migrant communities
construct identities that distinguished them from the host community. The
identity could be expressed in terms of settlement patterns; social, religious,
political and economic institutions (Rasheed, 2015)
From the Eades perspective articulates four main
types of migration among the Yoruba, which influence the formation of Diaspora
communities. These were analysed according to
occupational categories. First, there were the unskilled labor migrants of the
colonial period, looking for work on the cocoa farms or in larger towns.
Second, there were migrant farmers looking for suitable land, especially for
planting cocoa. Third, there were long distance migrants, many of them traders.
Trading Diaspora was particularly a common commercial orientation in the
savanna towns of Yoruba land. Fourth, there was the migration of the younger
educated people to the urban centres, especially
since the rapid expansion of education in the 1950s (Eades,
1980).
The advent of Yoruba community in
Northern Nigeria and in particular Sokoto city was
partly because of the collapsed of the old Oyo and replaced with Ilorin,
Ibadan, Ogbomosho and Abeokuta in mid 19th
century (Titilayo, 1980). However during the colonial
era, there had been handful Yoruba traders and other skill workers who
accompanied European after the demised of Sokoto
Caliphate serving as clerks, cooks and interpreters. Within a very short period
of their coming they were able to conquer large areas in commercial
enterprises. The most important commodities brought by the Yoruba traders were
mostly Kola nuts, Salt and Bananas which exchanged with livestock, hides and
skins, onion and pepper. This is the fact that apart from trade also Yoruba
introduced and dominated most of the modern technical and service industries:
painting, transport, Bakery, photograph, pool and hotel. They also specialized
in profession such as
motor and machine repairs, repairs of radio, television, video , refrigerator,
air-condition, fan and other electrical works (Usman,
2005). In the context of the 20th century Sokoto
was among Northern cities in Nigeria that have equally been important centers
of ethnic and cultural contact, as well as ethnic interaction and assimilation
(Isaac, 1999) (Usman, 2005). A strong cordial
relation has been established between Sokoto people and
the Yoruba settler community. This is because the Yoruba were able to learn the
Hausa Language and this facilitate assimilation and as result of their long
period of settlement and interaction some Yoruba have become Hausanised completely (Usman,
2005). Understanding the language of host is not the only element that bind
this relation but apprenticeship. The Yoruba also trained Sokoto
indigene the art of technical skills and vocational training in the field of
Vehicles repairing (at mechanic village, Sahara area, Zoo lay area, Ilela-garage and Zanga-zanga
area), printing production, welding and electrical appliances. Among popular
Yoruba settlements in the Sokoto city include Kalhu area, Illela- garage, Bello
way, Shagon-goro, Tudun-wada, Sokoto Cinema, Marafa-danbaba as well as sabon-gari
area.
The existence of the Yoruba in
northern Nigeria has implications for national development. Yoruba lived with
other ethnic groups and exhibited the capacity for ethnic tolerance and
religious pluralism in northern Nigeria. The migrants pursued and secured
economic livelihoods that contributed to the development of the host and home
communities. The entrepreneurial drives of the Yoruba merchants enabled them to
recruit labour from their kinship network for the
expansion of their commercial base but such strategy often prevents capital
accumulation on a large scale. Kinship network of extended family was a major
strategy in the provision of employment, training and capital that ensured the
preponderance of Yoruba commerce in northern Nigeria. Some integrated with the
host communities. Integration involved both the Yoruba immigrants and the host
communities achieving a degree of convergence. The integration of
second-generation Yoruba migrants was largely conditioned by how their parents
identified and traced their background. These has been exhibited in costume and
the spoken patterns of the Yoruba in Diaspora who felt at ease communicating in
Hausa, Nupe and Kanuri or mixed the languages
together with Yoruba. The central question is not whether the second generation
assimilated into Hausa society, but into what segment of that society it
assimilated. Many of the descendants of early migrants have integrated into the
Hausa society and became members of the political, intellectual, military and
commercial elites. Others used their integration into Hausa to benefit from
scholarships; employment and promotion opportunities but despised their Yoruba
ancestry. Those who maintained their Yoruba identity in Diaspora often ended up
as ‘marginal citizens’ without the right to lay claim to the community where
they were born and grew up or their home origin where they were less known.
Among the last group, however, were those who contested elections and won as
representatives of the communities where they lived, particularly, at the local
government levels (Rasheed, 2015).
Yoruba
and Igbo Relation in the Sokoto City
The two settler communities have
enjoyed long lasting relation among themselves. They lived peacefully without course
for alarm. The Igbo are more traders unlike it counterpart Yoruba who
specialized in technician and service industries. There was no available record
on the conflict arose from them in city. They provide enabling environment
transformed peace loving society at midst of host. However both Igbo and Yoruba
lived in the same residence thereby forming a forum of community development in
most area they live.
CONCLUSION
Toward
Achieving Greater Unity
It is beyond doubt Sokoto remained the most peaceful state in Northern Nigeria
considering over the decade there are occurrences of communal conflicts,
ethno-religious violence and political upheaval that manifest in various forms
and are accompanied by ferociousness and destructiveness especially recurrent
crisis that engulfed Bauchi, Taraba,
Kano, Maduguri, Jos and Kaduna mayhem (Rotimi, 1996). Since the end of the Civil war in 1970s
peace started to evolved and rains not only in the capital city of Sokoto but through Northern Nigerian cities. The last
conflicts that the city of Sokoto experience and
engulfed the entire metropolis very destructive was during the coronation of
the 18th Sultan of Sokoto Caliphate Alhaji Ibrahim Dasuki in 1988.
That was the period that the city experience sober-sided destruction of life
and properties worth million of naira. Since then
both the settlers and Sokoto people remained in peace
and harmony without confronting one another, and even when the conflict broke
out in 2005 to 2007 were intra-religious conflicts between Shiite movement and
Sunni groups and it does not seriously affected any settler communities unless
those settlers are among either group (i.e Sunni or
Shiite) (Shehu, 2015).
For any society to progressively
integrated socially and economically there must be the application of element
of peace and unity as a whole. These elements are very crucial and of great
concern not only to individual but to everyone in the community at large. As a
society to forge peace there must be the art of tolerant and kindness which
demands understanding of individual or groups differences in socio-cultural
setting. This arts of tolerance and kindness that married both settlers and Sokoto people consider being the state of general agreement
and focusing for common good. Moreover, coming togetherness as one, transformed
the Sokoto city to a new business front-line. The
fact is that apprenticeship provided by Igbo and Yoruba believed the training
aided the reduction of restiveness among the teeming youth in the city (Abubakar, 1984). The settler communities contributed not
only socio-economy aspect of it, but also in the state politics as some become
councilor (for example Okereke an Igbo man who become
councilor in Sokoto south local government area in
1999), while some served as commissioners and special advisers in the state.
This development could not only be achieved without government efforts in
maintaining stable security and sustainable development in the state.
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