INTRODUCTION
The main economic
activity in most African societies is agriculture, including crop cultivation
and animal rearing. Conflicts often occur over the use of farming and grazing
space, so it is unsurprising that social or ethnic conflicts also emerge due to
the inequitable distribution and control of land. Such conflicts occurred
between "insiders" and "outsiders" in the Fungom Subdivision from 1980 to 2016 Land disputes became common
in the area around Esu village after the Elba Ranch—owned
by Cameroon’s wealthiest man—expropriated farm holdings from indigenous farming
groups. It was an encounter of force and resilience between a new economic
competitor the ranch entrepreneur and the community, principally perennial
farmers who asserted their history as the rightful occupants. The phrase
farmer-herder conflict' typically refers to conflict over economic land use
between farmers and grazers. As the human and cattle populations increased in Esu but land for production remained static, farmers and
herders began to tussle for land. However, the phrase 'farmer-herder' may be
misleading since it implies that farmers and herders are two separate groups.
In Fungom, people practice mixed farming—herders
cultivate crops and farmers rear some cattle.
Over the last
25 years, farmer-herder conflicts have increased in the region. The native people
beganto enter the cattle industry, which threatened the traditionally-nomadic
Sahel herder-traders, the Mbororo (Wodaabe), who sought control over the industry. The Mbororo devised ways, including cattle theft, to push the
natives out of the industry. Understanding the relationship between the farmers
and herders is key to managing the conflict.
Farmer-herder relations
in Cameroon (and Africa generally) are multidimensional. Like most social
relations, they are characterized by both conflict and cooperation.(Tumer MA 2003) The conflict is generally
associated with crop damage and field encroachment during the rainy season.
However, cooperation between farmers and grazers occurs during the dry season,
when the farmers seek manure and milk from the herders.
Herders from other parts of Cameroon
have recently migrated into Menchum Division in
search of pastures for their cattle. The North-West Region, also called the Grassfields, is suitable for farming and cattle rearing,
especially in Nkambe, Kumbo,
Boyo and Wum. However, the increased number of cattle
in the Division put pressure on the available land and meant that the
boundaries between grazing land and farmland diminished. The region became a
site of ongoing conflict between farmers and herders, and government efforts to
resolve the conflicts have been futile.
The
location of Fungom Sub Division
Fungom sub division is an administrative unit in Menchum Division, North West Region of Cameroon. Fungom is bordered to the North by Fru-Awa
Sub Division, south by Wum, West by the Taraba and
Benue states of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, East by Bum and Fundong Sub Divisions, South East by Menchum
valley and North East by Misaje sub division. Bafmeng, Weh, Esu
and Zhoa feature as the main towns of the sub
division that covers some 35 villages. But for planning it was curve into 36
planning units.
The villages of the sub division are divided into four zones for easy
administration. The zones are presented in table 1.
Table 1:
Zones and their villages Zone Constituent villages
|
Upper Fungom
|
Zhoa, Mekaf, Kumfutu, Small Mekaf, Cha’a, Biya, Kung, Yemge and Weh
|
|
Lower Fungom
|
Fungom, Abar, Mundabili, Marshi, Koshin, Fang, Buu’, Missong, Ngun, Mumfu, Munken and Aju Mbu
|
|
Esu Zone
|
Esu, Gayama I, Gayama II, Melang, Munkep, Torkisong and Munkar
|
|
Bafmen Zone
|
Bafmen (Mmen), Kuk, Nyos, Ise,
Ipalim, Akang and Imo
|
Source: Divisional Officer’s
Office for Fungom
Manifestation
of Conflicts in Fungom Subdivision
The
initial relationship between indigenous farmers and Fulani herders in the 1940s
and 1950s was mutually beneficial, based on peaceful coexistence, and
characterized by economic and social cooperation. Nevertheless, these relations
soured when economic interest in farmland began to clash with the herders'
affairs. In the early years, the conflicts were neither frequent nor serious
and often ended in amicable settlements, in which herders offered compensation
for damaged crops (Ngwoh, 2014). During the planting season, herders' negligence generated conflicts, though
farmers also planted crops in isolated areas exposed to cattle. Conflicts recorded
during the harvesting period were attributed to wilful and unpredictable acts
from both parties meant to reduce the other’s productivity. According to Fon Buh Meh II of Esu, the cattle-related infringement in the Fondom first occurred in 1944 when women discovered, at
harvest time that cattle belonging to the newly settled Mbororo
had destroyed their finger millet. (Fon Meh Buh II 1954-2007) Relations between herders and farmers
deteriorated over time, and crop damage often provoked violent confrontations
between the two groups. This manifested in the burning of houses or the injury
and killing of animals. In addition, the natives constructed trenches and
fencing to prevent the cattle’s movement to grazing areas and water catchments.
The principal causes of farmer-herder conflicts were the extreme shortage of
cowboys. In 1959, according to the tax records, there were only eighteen
cowboys to control 16,669 herds (Kaberry 1977. p.8) some
herds were supervised by young teenagers, while others lacked herders entirely.
The situation along the banks of River Imieh worsened when Alhaji Ahmadou Danpullo—one of the most
powerful tycoons in Africa—arrived with his cattle. (Sam Kum
testimony 1990) It was tradition for livestock farmers to migrate to heavily
forested areas (the “black bush”) for transhumance during the dry season. However,
during these movements, careless herders damaged crops and destroyed springs,
leading to water scarcity.
Danpullo’s arrival and settlement at Ibe
Wundele in Esu in 1987 further
accelerated land sales. He extended his property to Torkisong
a farm areas about 6 kilometres from Esu, Fungom Sub Division, a predominantly agro-pastoral farming
estate in Esu, ( Balgah Sounders Nguh,
Amos Fang Zeh 2016) and one of the areas not included in the 1987
land allocation.(Uka John 2016) Torkisong
is known for its thick forests (fondly called the “black bush”) and vast
grazing lands. His arrival hurt many farmers and herders since the influx of
cattle required much land. Aku settlers (referred to
as settlers within this study) and farmers in Torkisong
criticised this land transfer.
Before Danpullo arrived in Torkisong, the cattle herds there traditionally belonged to
four families. The largest proportion of cattle belonged to Mallam
Tashi who also had the most independent adult male
children during Danpullo’s encroachment.
Consequently, the previous settlers were denied their landholding rights, which
were transferred to Danpullo
Generally,
each cattle owner had two areas of grazing land, one for the dry season and
another for the wet season. In the dry season, the grass is burned to allow
fresh grass to grow. This practice is beneficial to the herders but detrimental
to the farmers who use the grass for compost or to thatch their houses. The
absence of clear demarcation between farm and grazing land significantly
contributed to the antagonism since, at times, burning crossed into the
farmland and damaged crops. According to Kum, (2014)
land demarcation is very difficult because cattle commonly left the hills for
the valleys in the dry season, which then attracted farmers to use the newly
empty and fertile highland grazing pastures. The constant movement between
upland and lowland caused conflicts between crop farmers and nomadic herders.
(Interview with Tem Peter 2018)
A commission charged
with land demarcation in Esu was headed by the
Divisional Officer and bypassed the influential local authority. (Interview
with Kam Okocha 2018), Therefore,
the commission was ineffective and only fuelled further conflict as the
disgruntled parties (including the traditional authority) did not accept the
new boundary.( Interview with Ngeh
Epraphim 2018 in Esu) For example,
when a wealthy herder, "Alhadji Musa", moved
to Torkisong in 2014, Fungom
Divisional officer authorized the move without consulting the Fon of Esu. The Fon, in turn, refused to sign the land documents. (Ngwoh 2014)
Human factors
like poverty also engendered this conflict. Impoverished farmers did not have
the resources to construct cattle proof, barbed wire fences around their
fields. Instead, they used bamboo and sticks to build fragile fences, easily destroyed
by cattle. (Interview with Ngeh Ephraim 2018 in Esu)
The growth of the
human and cattle populations and the influx of cattle from other places caused land
scarcity and the continuous exploitation depleted the land, causing it to
become infertile. The expansion of farmland and settlements over the last 30
years has also reduced the amount of pastureland available for increasing
livestock numbers. (Amos Fang Zeh MSc Thesis 2013
University of Buea) Both herders and farmers have
moved into the valleys for survival which dramatically changed the people's
relationship with the land, and in the lowlands, resulted in severe
agro-pastoral conflicts (Ngwoh 2019). Farmers,
herders and administrators also ignore the farming and grazing rules in Fungom. These rules were established in the Control of
Farming and Grazing Law of 1962, enacted by the legislature of West Cameroon ( House of Assembly and House of chiefs) and enforced by the
senior inspector of the Farmer-Herder Department. They offered statutory powers
to determine which land could be used for farming and grazing. However, the law
focused on land use and not ownership or titles, which confused the farmers and
grazers and paved the way for conflict. The corruption of traditional and
administrative authorities, the conflicting roles of farmer-herder control
officers, and the failure to implement recommendations all exacerbated the
frequency and intensity of farmer-herder conflicts. The 2004 Koumpa Issa Commission into the
causes of protracted agro-pastoral conflicts revealed that traditional and administrative authorities were compromised
by greed and interpersonal conflict
Arrival of Danpullo in Esu
In 1986, El Hadj Amadou Danpullo,
a major player of the Central Committee of the national governing party, the
Cameroon Peoples Democratic Movement (CPDM), was granted a license by the
government of Cameroon to open a ranch in Ndawara in
the Boyo Division of the North-West Region. He was granted grazing rights by
HRH Joseph Meh Buh II for a specific portion of land at Ibi
Wundele. However, he continued his quest for land in Esu by purchasing the adjoining grassy highlands. The Fondom urged the ranch management to purchase a large parcel
of land beyond the initial portion, spreading into communal land as far as Kendzong, Melang, Ida, Kemeweh and Toukisong. This
exposed the explicit tensions between public administrative decisions and
traditional land customs. Wealthy cattle owners were never satisfied with the
land at their disposal and manipulated modern land laws using their
considerable political and economic power. According Alang
Kum, (2018) difference between the affluent and poor facilitates
land grabs.
Before Elba Ranch, land ownership in Fungom was
clearly defined and partitioned into seven clan heads. However, traditional
land laws were altered to make way for the Ranch, but clan heads were neither
informed nor consulted about land allocation in their spheres. Tumnde argues that Cameroons unequal application of land
legislation favours this undemocratic system, which causes chaos, not solutions.
Clan heads and subjects often disagree with their Fons’
allocations and take up confrontational tactics to recover their land.
Population expansion and land-grabbing by ranches put the Esu community at loggerheads with ranch management. On
February 14, 1988, the Quarter Heads of Esu wrote a
letter to the President of the Republic of Cameroon to complain about Danpullo’s fraudulent acquisition of land. A few months
after the establishment of the ranch, violence emerged between both parties.
Conflict escalation
The conflict
escalated between 1993 and 1995 following the eviction of many farmers in Ibi Wundele, Melang,
and Torkisong. Some had their crops razed, while
others who resisted were tortured by ranch employees. (Ngwoh
2014). This situation is best captured in a complaint aired by the son of one
of the victims:
My father had
a very big compound in Torkisong as well as farms and
livestock, but this fulani men
drove them out and burnt down the houses. [He] has seized the land and has
prohibited anyone from farming on it. It truly hurts when you think of things
like this and all the other victims who were rendered homeless and deprived of
their farm holdings. (Kum George Fuh
2018)
The ranch
entrepreneur’s, Danpullo obsessive quest for land had
immense implications. Arable crop farmers lost most of their livestock,
foodstuffs, and some belongings to ranch workers.
In 1998, young
boys banded together into a group. They used hit-and-run tactics to scare the
ranch employees. This insecurity led to law enforcement officers being
stationed at the ranch. The ranch management also orchestrated the arrest and detention
of Esu locals, including Charlie Meh Kum, Charles Ndong, Charles Fuh Chu, Victor Bin Akang, Venantius Kah Buh
and Venantius Tem in988 for the alarm about the expropriation of ancestral farmland. In response,
on March 19, 1993, approximately 2,500 women trekked to the administrative
centre of Wum to demand that the Senior Divisional
Officer (SDO) provide a lasting solution to Elba land-grabbing and terror
tactics.
Between 2000
and 2005, many other farmers lost their livestock in the Ranch’s raids. To save
the peace and their animals, many herders left Esu,
travelling to Foumban or even as far as North
Cameroon. Although the indigenous population made early efforts to resolve the
conflict amicably, the ranch management remained repressive, sending law
enforcement to arrest all who were suspected of trespassing. Several youths and
farmers were punished for trespassing, a charge they strongly repudiated,
denouncing the stigma that ranch workers and uniform officers bestowed on them.
(George Fuh , The Esu Elba Ranch 2018).
The government
often ignored the disputes between the Esu farmers
and ranch management. As Wehrmann notes, the poor
often do not resist the powerful in court. When they do pursue this route, or
if the powerful sue them first, their chances of winning a case are quite low. Often
cases brought by the poor involving powerful actors are never heard (bribery
plays a significant role. Alternatively, the wealthier party can simply afford
a better lawyer. The injudiciousness of herders (the Fulani), who preferred to
bribe the courts with huge sums than reach win-win conciliation with farmers. This
further justified the irregularity in land conflicts between the rich and the
poor for more than two decades, until 2008, the strained relations between the Esu community and the ranch management were unresolvable.
Women’s demonstration
Indigenous women’s institutions
in Fungom deployed women's power and coercive
measures to attempt to resolve farmer-herder and other conflicts. (Ngwoh PhD thesis 2014) Through public singing, verbal
insults, dancing, demonstrations, physical confrontations and a sit-down
protest, they refused to tolerate any attempt to destroy their farmland and
endanger the livelihood of their families. Their activism is part of a long legacy
of African women fighting against exclusion from state resources, inequality of
access, neglect, and outright oppression.
Esu women went on strike following
the illegal arrest and detention of two youth leaders for instigating violence
in Esu According to Enseng
Linda, one of the women on strike, the youth were detained for fighting, but their
behaviour mirrored Baba Danpullo land grabbing activities.
For that reason, older women, especially those 60 years and above, travelled to
Wum on foot to demand their release.
Youth
group involvement and military actions
Youth group
involvement was another novel expression of resistance. Mmen,
a town about 37 kilometres from Wum was subjected to
an unprecedented act of military terror in October 1991. The administration
cracked down, hoping to defuse the potentially explosive farmer-herder conflicts
between Mbororo herders and indigenous farmers. However,
it resulted in military action because indigenous farmers took the law into
their own hands and decided to eject all herders found in disputed areas. (Cameroon
post No 89. 1991).
The youth of Bafmeng funnily called Mmen descended
on the grazing land, burnt the Mbororo settlements,
rustled cattle, and assaulted herders. When the administration caught wind of
the situation, gendarmes were sent to Mmen to stop
the strike action termed ‘continuous harassment and exploitation of the Mbororo by the Indigenes. However, the plan
leaked and the youths barricaded the main road into the village with an
enormous tree trunk. (Interview with Raymond Che
Farmer 2018) When the soldiers arrived on October 25, 1991, villagers
immediately rounded them up, disarmed, and threatened to kill them.
Fortunately, one of the captives escaped from the village's barricade and ran
through the night to Wum to alert the authorities.
The military quickly mobilized units at Wum to free
the prisoners and bring order to Mmen (Interview with Joseph Timbong, Herder, in Mmen by Venantius Kum Ngwoh
2007).
The
sub-commission in charge of resolving the farmer-herder conflicts had send its reports to the President of the Central
Commission responsible for bringing the matter for hearing in a subsequent
sitting of the central commission. Unfortunately, this procedure was so lengthy
that the parties involved in the dispute between farmers and herders lost
confidence in the commission. Furthermore, it forced farmers (who were often
victims of crop damage) to take the law into their own hands, which stifled peace-making
efforts. (Interview with Raymond
Che, farmer, 2012).
The 1978
decree led to financial difficulties which plagued the malfunctioning farmer herder
conflict. According to Article 3 of the 1978 decree, the commission's funding needed
to be annually renewed in the Department of Land budget. However, this line was
never added to the budget; instead, parties in the dispute often had to bear
the costs of the investigation to solve their problems. Farmers in this area
live hand to mouth, so financial constraints made it impossible for them to
take their cases to the authorities (the legal fees might total more than the
value of the damaged crops). In many instances, only one party in the conflict
was capable of making his/her financial contribution at that given moment, and
the commission often ruled in favour of those who could pay. For this reason,
some farmers resorted to maiming cattle to enact revenge for the destruction of
their crops.
Efforts to resolve the conflict
The local and
administrative authorities in Fungom devised measures
to resolve the conflict and restore peace. One plan was the demarcation of land
into dedicated farming and grazing areas: land in the valleys was allocated for
farming, while the hilltops were reserved for grazing. This
plan was criticized since some crops are only cultivated in hilly areas and cattle
herders needed access to the valleys, especially during the dry season for
water and pastureland.
Between 1945
and 1965, another measure known as mixed farming was introduced. This
interdependent production system was designed and promoted by the
administration to improve relations between farmers and herders. The plan aimed
to educate the indigenous population about the importance of farmer-herder
interchange. It also required depleted portions of land to remain fallow for
about four years, during which time cattle would be reared on the land to increase
its fertility. This plan was initially welcomed by the indigene but ultimately failed
due to population increases and the pressures on land from farming and
construction. (Ngwoh 2014).
From
1952-1975, the colonial and post-colonial governments acknowledged the
resistance to mixed farming. They subsequently introduced a barbed wire scheme
to construct fences around demarcated farmland and grazing land. To realize the
scheme, the government provided rolls of wires and nails free of charge. According
to a 1972 report by the Wum farmer-herder inspector,
the scheme was effective. Three cattle proof fences were erected in Waindo, Naikon, and Mbinjam and four more fences were under construction in Esu, Bum, Mmen, and Kuk. However,
this attempt to solve the conflicts also ultimately failed due to poor collaboration
between the local administration and the government. None of the schemes were
well-coordinated, allowing greed and corruption to impact the outcomes. These
factors all contributed to the failure to resolve the farmer-herder conflict in
Fungom.
Impacts of the conflict
The conflict had
devastating impacts on both parties and, especially, on women who constitute 80
per cent of the population involved in agriculture. During violent escalations between
1970 and 1972, herders in Esu poisoned palm wine,
leading to the death of three people. Another life was lost in 2001 when Simon Tegha gunned down Yakubu (Ngwoh 2006) many farmers and herders were imprisoned or tortured
by the gendarmes and, even after the conflict ended, intimidation remained the
norm as people settled old grudges.
The conflict also
caused food insecurity in Fungom and throughout Cameroon.
Many agricultural products were destroyed: farm products were set ablaze in barns
and some herders intentionally sent their cattle to wreak havoc on farms. In
turn, farmers tried to kill cattle and were often detained, leaving them unable
to care for their crops.
This conflict
also catalysed mass youth migration out of Fungom. Like
women, youths were highly engaged in agriculture. However, the conflict
discouraged some youth and the insecurity threatened their farming activities. Those
who remained became involved in illegal activities like prostitution, money
laundering and armed robbery and some developed HIV/AIDS. Those who migrated
became commercial bike riders in cities like Douala and Bamenda.(Ngwoh 2006). The living standard
in Fungom also plummeted, forcing many parents to
pull their children out of school since they could not afford the basic needs.
(Abbass IM 2014).
Farmers and
herders alike suffered from arbitrary arrest and detention. For example, Abar, a herder, petitioned the gendarmerie commander in Wum in 2004 to complain that he was summoned and intimidated
to accept charges levied against him. The gendarmes extorted huge sums of money
from the Mbororos, who paid 10,000 to 25,000 frs to secure their release.
Conclusion and Recommendations
In conclusion, in this regard, it becomes clear that for
a developing country to achieve sustainable development, a significant
proportion of its development policies must be dedicated to development of
rural areas which often are anchored on agricultural activities. (Nji 1960) Agriculture is the single largest contributor to
the well-being of the rural poor in Fungom
Sub-Division sustaining 90% of its inhabitants.
The indigenous
population in the Fungom Subdivision resisted Danpullo, an elite ranch owner who expropriated vast
expanses of land and strained
relations between farmers and herders. The indigenous people settled in the
area earlier than the Fulani herders and their claims of ancestral land were
endorsed by colonial legislation. Corrupt administrative and traditional
council authorities and their "underhanded" activities also exacerbated
the farmer-herder conflicts in the area.
The principal factors that had led to the
increasing farmers-herders conflict with sequence of event to the conflict in
the community are destruction of farmlands by herders due to migration caused
by climate change and the search for pastures for cattle, cattle theft and
rustling been carried out by bandits within and outside of the community. It is
important to note that bandit do disguise as Fulani herdsmen to commit crime in
the community, therefore, increasing the animosity Furthermore, the failure of
the state to help tackle the conflict has instead increase the violence.
Besides, cattle are being handled by young
Fulani “herd boys” who lack physical strength to control the herds from
entering people’s farmland and destroying crops for consumption, The hired
herders-cattle owners’ dichotomy contributed immensely to the breakdown in
existing symbiotic relationship between the two groups that have existed over
the years. Sometimes between 150 and 200 cattle’s will be managed by a child
between the ages of ten to fourteen.
Indigenous or communal peace building
mechanism in the community remain a better option to easily resolved
the farmer-herder conflicts.
However, a
mutually beneficial relationship was eventually established as cooperation
improved both parties’ living standards. This cooperation manifested as mixed farming, dung and stubble exchange,
and the transport of herders' luggage to the black bush”. Herders should acknowledge
that they do not have a monopoly over the cattle industry. The Mbororo were threatened by the indigenous people’s growing
number of cattle and attempted to drive them out of business, including through
theft. In turn, the indigenous people must do away with their concept of ‘insider
and outsider, as it does not facilitate coexistence. The government should also
diversify the economy and create jobs to reduce the area’s overall dependence
on agriculture and alleviate the pressures on the land.
Recommendation
Massive
loss of lives and properties as a result of Fulani herdsmen and Farmers
conflict have negative implications on crop production and pastoral production
which results to extreme poverty and hunger. It also has great implications to
the Cameroon national security in different forms of humanitarian, economic,
and social institutions and serve as a threat to the peace and stability of the
country. In order to resolve the
conflict, the government must therefore come up with policies that are
designated to enhance the Fulani herdsmen by ensuring that they Secure rights
to land usage in order to minimize insecurity and mitigate the spate of
conflicts
This will bring about peaceful co-existence
between the Fulani herdsmen and the indigenous communities. The government must
also prioritize vegetation and reforestation, as well as address the climate
change effect on the conflict from a holistic approach. Following the
increasing conflict, there are various structural mechanisms that have been attributed
to the cause of farmers-herders conflict in Cameroon and in the Fungom community.
These recommendations will help fight the
conflict and provide a long-lasting solution to the increasing conflict in the
regions and there has been a communal conflict resolution mechanism that was
practice by the community, the state and local government should strengthen
communal conflict mediator, that will ensure compliance of the compensation
rules caused by both groups, and to stand as a peace builder in case of
conflict escalation.
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